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martin
Posts: 76461 Alba Posts: 108 Joined: 7/24/2001 Member: #2 USA |
![]() off topic but I thought an interesting article. Hated Citizens United.
Over the Cliff
The Bellotti decision declared unconstitutional a Massachusetts law that prohibited corporations from spending money to influence the outcome of a public referendum that did not directly concern the corporation’s own business. Two years earlier, in Buckley v. Valeo, the court had held that in the context of campaign finance, money equals speech. Now the Bellotti majority described corporate spending on public referendums as speech that lay “at the heart of the First Amendment’s protection.” “If the speakers here were not corporations, no one would suggest that the state could silence their proposed speech,” the majority observed, insisting that speech did not lose its constitutional protection “simply because its source is a corporation.” The vote was 5 to 4. What gripped me — what made me feel like an archeologist unearthing the artifacts of a vanished civilization — was one of the dissenting opinions. This dissenting justice did not take issue with a corporation’s status as a “person” in the eyes of the law (as Mitt Romney recently reminded a heckler at the Iowa State Fair). But corporate personhood was “artificial,” not “natural,” the justice observed. A corporation’s rights were not boundless but, rather, limited, and the place of “the right of political expression” on the list of corporate rights was highly questionable. “A state grants to a business corporation the blessings of potentially perpetual life and limited liability to enhance its efficiency as an economic entity,” the dissenting opinion continued. “It might reasonably be concluded that those properties, so beneficial in the economic sphere, pose special dangers in the political sphere … Indeed, the states might reasonably fear that the corporation would use its economic power to obtain further benefits beyond those already bestowed.” Noting that most states, along with the federal government, had placed limits on the ability of corporations to participate in politics, the dissenting justice concluded: “The judgment of such a broad consensus of governmental bodies expressed over a period of many decades is entitled to considerable deference from this Court.” The dissenter was Associate Justice William H. Rehnquist. What a difference three decades makes. There were three other dissenters from the Bellotti decision — Justices Byron R. White, Thurgood Marshall and William J. Brennan Jr., whose signature on Justice White’s dissenting opinion is worth a brief digression. A First Amendment champion of his day, Justice Brennan originally accepted the assignment to write the majority opinion in the Bellotti case, overturning the prohibition. But he changed sides within weeks, persuaded that his original instincts about the case were wrong and, as he explained to his colleagues, concerned that striking down the Massachusetts law would “inevitably call into question” efforts to deter and detect corporate corruption. Justice Brennan’s switch — to the position that liberals occupy today — is an interesting historical footnote that I don’t believe has been previously reported. (My source is a memo from Justice Brennan to the other justices, contained in the Potter Stewart papers in Yale’s Sterling Memorial Library.) But it’s the dissenting opinion of the Burger court’s most conservative member that most clearly illuminates the dangerous path the current conservative majority is pursuing. It is an article of faith within the Roberts court majority that of course corporations have full speech rights when it comes to public affairs — and they have something rapidly approaching full speech rights when it comes to selling their wares as well, since the doctrine hammered out during the Burger years that recognized “commercial speech” but assigned it a lower level of protection is close to collapse. It’s all just speech now. Further, the court’s speech-protective instincts appear increasingly to serve a deregulatory agenda. A particularly egregious recent example came in June, when the court struck down a Vermont law that prohibited pharmacies from selling to data-mining companies information about the prescriptions that individual doctors were writing. Such information is of great value to pharmaceutical companies, which buy it from the data-miners and use it to select particular doctors for visits by “detailers” who, armed with knowledge of a doctor’s practice and preferences, can be more effective advocates for the company’s products. Vermont defended its law both as protecting medical privacy and preventing sales pitches for brand-name drugs when less expensive generics would do. To the majority in Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., the law amounted to state-imposed “viewpoint discrimination,” targeting particular “speakers and their messages for disfavored treatment.” The fact that the pharmaceutical sales force uses the information so effectively made the law all the more problematic. “The state has burdened a form of protected expression that it found too persuasive,” Justice Anthony M. Kennedy wrote for the majority. “This the state cannot do.” In dissent, Justice Stephen G. Breyer argued that the majority was subjecting ordinary commercial speech to an “unprecedented” degree of scrutiny in a way that “threatens significant judicial interference with widely accepted regulatory activity.” Justice Breyer said the decision “opens a Pandora’s Box of First Amendment challenges to many ordinary regulatory practices.” And referring to Lochner v. New York, the 1905 Supreme Court decision that summoned a constitutionally protected “right of contract” to block government regulation, he added: “At worst, it reawakens Lochner’s pre-New Deal threat of substituting judicial for democratic decision making where ordinary economic regulation is at issue.” Not only in commercial speech, but in the area of pure political speech as well, the current majority threatens to drive the First Amendment off a cliff. In June, the court struck down a voluntary public financing system for political campaigns, adopted by Arizona voters in a public referendum 13 years ago in response to corruption scandals. As an incentive to accept public financing, without fear of being outspent by a wealthy, privately financed candidate, the system offered a publicly financed candidate an extra dollar for every dollar that the opponent spent above the law’s cap on public money. This system placed a burden on the wealthy candidate’s speech amounting to something like a fine, Chief Justice Roberts wrote for the majority in Arizona Free Enterprise Club v. Bennett. “Such basic intrusion by the government into the debate over who should govern goes to the heart of First Amendment values,” he said, concluding: “Laws like Arizona’s matching funds provision that inhibit robust and wide-open political debate without sufficient justification cannot stand.” In dissent, Justice Elena Kagan argued that the Arizona system “discriminated against no ideas and prevented no speech.” The law “fostered both the vigorous competition of ideas and its ultimate object — a government responsive to the will of the people,” she said, adding that Arizonans “deserve better” than a Supreme Court that stood in the path of electoral reform. Earlier this month, the American Bar Association traveled north to Toronto for its annual meeting. Doing some homework for a panel I was to moderate, I came upon Section 1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, added in 1982 to the country’s mid-19th century constitution. Section 1, the “limitation clause,” makes the Charter’s many guarantees subject “to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.” A Canadian judge assured me that this requirement of “proportionality,” as various European constitutions with a similar principle refer to it, is invoked constantly and forms the basis for Canadian constitutional interpretation. Proportionality strikes me as worth considering in preference to the arid absolutism that seems to have taken hold of the United States Supreme Court. I wonder what William Rehnquist would say. The old chief, who died in 2005, was a master at seeing around corners, and he lived long enough to see the prediction he made in 1978 come true. Early in his 34-year Supreme Court tenure, Associate Justice Rehnquist held many positions far enough to the right that they could accurately be described as extreme for their day. As chief justice, he mellowed. I wouldn’t presume to say whether he changed his mind, but he did change his tone, and with some regularity placed the court’s institutional welfare above his own policy preferences. That was most apparent in his 2003 majority opinion in Nevada Department of Human Resources v. Hibbs, which called a halt (perhaps permanent, perhaps not) to the Rehnquist court’s federalism revolution of the 1990s. In case after case, a narrow majority had invoked federalism principles to hold that states could not be required to give their employees the protections of various federal anti-discrimination statutes. The series of cases at least suggested that the core civil rights protections of the 1964 Civil Rights Act might themselves be in play. The subject of the Hibbs case was the Family and Medical Leave Act. The challenge to its application to state employees came closer to the core than any of the earlier cases. But this time, the chief justice blinked, writing a paean to the virtues of a law that, by giving both male and female employees time off to care for sick family members, protected against sex stereotyping by making clear that care-giving was not simply women’s work. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg still jokes that when she showed the Rehnquist opinion to her husband, he asked her whether she had written it. The Hibbs decision can be seen as an exercise in setting reasonable limits: this far, but not over a cliff. As to whether today’s judicial conservative orthodoxy recognizes any limits, we’ll soon see. Official sponsor of the PURE KNICKS LOVE Program
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Bonn1997
Posts: 58654 Alba Posts: 2 Joined: 2/2/2004 Member: #581 USA |
![]() George F Bush?
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loweyecue
Posts: 27468 Alba Posts: 6 Joined: 11/20/2005 Member: #1037 |
![]() The POTUS is selling out those he claims to care for in his campaign speeches.
http://m.rollingstone.com/?redirurl=/politics/blogs/taibblog/obama-goes-all-out-for-dirty-banker-deal-20110824 I despise hypocrites, this guy has sold out. He seems to care little about the people he made all those promises to. Only the NY fed guy is trying to hold the TBTF banks and their CEOS accountable everyone else wants to give the full immunity in exchange of a nominal fine. And the white house is siding with this majority. This loser deserves no respect. TKF on Melo ::....he is a punk, a jerk, a self absorbed out of shape, self aggrandizing, unprofessional, volume chucking coach killing playoff loser!!
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Bonn1997
Posts: 58654 Alba Posts: 2 Joined: 2/2/2004 Member: #581 USA |
![]() loweyecue wrote:The POTUS is selling out those he claims to care for in his campaign speeches. It sucks but you know you'd still vote for him over Michelle Bachman or anyone else from that crowd. The problem is that we have a corporatocracy, not a democracy. |
loweyecue
Posts: 27468 Alba Posts: 6 Joined: 11/20/2005 Member: #1037 |
![]() Bonn1997 wrote:loweyecue wrote:The POTUS is selling out those he claims to care for in his campaign speeches. I desperately want him to face a challenge in the democratic primary and I would vote for his opponent unless s/he is another so called centrist. As it stands I probably will vote against the GOP rather than for the Obama. Real life politics usually means choosing the lesser of many evils. TKF on Melo ::....he is a punk, a jerk, a self absorbed out of shape, self aggrandizing, unprofessional, volume chucking coach killing playoff loser!!
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Markji
Posts: 22753 Alba Posts: -4 Joined: 9/14/2007 Member: #1673 USA |
![]() loweyecue wrote:Bonn1997 wrote:loweyecue wrote:The POTUS is selling out those he claims to care for in his campaign speeches. "Constantly choosing the lessor of two evils is still choosing evil." ....(Jerry Garcia) I truly hope a third party emerges with a viable third party candidate who can actually lead and get things down.....of course in the way I would like things done. The difference between fiction and reality? Fiction has to make sense.
Tom Clancy - author
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loweyecue
Posts: 27468 Alba Posts: 6 Joined: 11/20/2005 Member: #1037 |
![]() Markji wrote:loweyecue wrote:Bonn1997 wrote:loweyecue wrote:The POTUS is selling out those he claims to care for in his campaign speeches. And what way would that be? Go ahead lay it out. TKF on Melo ::....he is a punk, a jerk, a self absorbed out of shape, self aggrandizing, unprofessional, volume chucking coach killing playoff loser!!
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Markji
Posts: 22753 Alba Posts: -4 Joined: 9/14/2007 Member: #1673 USA |
![]() loweyecue wrote:Markji wrote:loweyecue wrote:Bonn1997 wrote:loweyecue wrote:The POTUS is selling out those he claims to care for in his campaign speeches. OK Loweyecue - here it is - my platform: I'd like a more Centrist /moderate third party where our elected officials would actually think; work together; not spout emotional rhetoric with little intelligent substance. Policies: Wars: Get out asap/immediately from Iraq and Afghanistan - we should never have been in Iraq; Afghanistan - we got Bin Laden; Also we CAN"T AFFORD it. Budget: work towards Balancing the budget by
3. Jobs programs - create jobs. This was Obama's pledge and he blew it. Gov't sponsored programs. People who work not only enhance the economy, but they also pay taxes. More revenue coming back to the gov't. Some examples - construction industry is hurting. Hire contractors to do renovations/repairs/some new construction. They should be able to hire contractors at a lessor price now since so many are out of work so gov't gets more work done for their money. (Law of supply and demand - try hiring a contractor in boom times - hard to get them and prices are very high). Contractors would also enjoy working. Example - in the small town I am in they badly needed some repairs and renovation(painting) of the county courthouse. They got it done at a good price. Good quality. and the people working were happy to get the job. 4. Abortion - leave Roe vs Wade alone. It is fine. There are many more important issues to discuss like the wars and the economy. 5. Gay Rights/marriage - This is a social issue. Shouldn't at all be mentioned in the political arena. The Republicans have killed the Dems on this. The Repubs rile up and gather millions of voters who are against this while the Dems gather far fewer voters in support. Many of the Republican voters are lower and middle class who are getting raped by the Republican tax policies but sign in because of the anti-gay/religious views. The gays shouldn't make such a big deal of this. They rile up the opposition and make things harder for themselves, and get the Tea Party/Ultraconservatives elected. Creates a strong emotional division in the U.S. populace. 6. Health care - good idea. I can't really understand the new proposed law. Make it simplier so people can evaluate what it really is and it's effects. 7. Taxes - eventually make the tax laws simplier. Once we are out of this financial mess, lower taxes across the board. 8. Something I am into - remove the stress from the collective consciousness through group meditations on a daily basis. It increases coherence, increases the ability to solve problems and will help avoid problems from arising in the future. It has been proven to work with large, but temporary demonstration projects in the past. 9. Housing - try to keep people in their homes. Restructure mortgages with lower interest rates. Forgive some of the principle if deemed appropriate due to market conditions. Don't keep/support the ultra-deliquent people. If the foreclosed house is really dilapidated, then tear it down. A few cities (Cleveland, Detroit and I think Chicago) are doing this and making small neighborhood parks. Good idea. 10. Banking industry - increase investigations. No big bailouts. No big severance packages for CEOs, etc. Regulate derivatives. These are the main issues I can think of. Love to hear other points or discussion on these. The difference between fiction and reality? Fiction has to make sense.
Tom Clancy - author
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martin
Posts: 76461 Alba Posts: 108 Joined: 7/24/2001 Member: #2 USA |
![]() sigh.
The Senate refuses to consider Obama nominees By Barney Frank, Published: September 1 Once upon a time, we could have expected the following sequence: After considerable debate, Congress would have passed a bill creating an agency. The president would then nominate someone to head that agency. That nomination would be considered on its merits by the Senate. But this is now. The president has nominated Richard Cordray, an able, experienced and thoughtful former state attorney general who has a record of achievement in protecting individuals against financial abuse, to head the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. And the Republican minority in the Senate has announced that it intends to deny any consideration of the individual whom the president has nominated pursuant to his constitutional prerogative. They will do that by blatantly distorting the Constitution, substituting a refusal to allow the constitutionally mandated nomination process for the legislative process in which they simply do not have the votes to accomplish what they want. Cordray is just the latest capable, dedicated public servant to fall victim to a Republican mugging. He joins Joseph Smith, the banking commissioner of North Carolina who recently drew unanimous bipartisan support from the North Carolina General Assembly for his renomination; Peter Diamond, a Nobel laureate in economics who was nominated to serve on the Federal Reserve System’s Board of Governors; and others as collateral damage of the Senate Republicans’ war on financial regulation in particular and the Obama presidency in general. Cordray’s record as attorney general of Ohio puts him in a small group of people able to act effectively to deal with the mortgage crisis. No one has raised any questions about his intelligence, integrity or dedication. Yet his nomination will not even be fairly considered by the full Senate. Forty-four Republicans have announced that in disregard of their constitutional duty to consider nominations on the merits. They will not confirm anyone until the Senate majority reverses itself to once again put bank regulators in a position to overrule virtually all of the policies that would be set by the consumer agency. The president is being told that the price of having a nominee confirmed is reversing himself on a major policy initiative that has already been enacted. It is, of course, entirely legitimate for Republicans to object to the independence of the consumer agency and to press for their solution, which is to allow bank regulators to overrule that agency. It should be remembered that the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, Spencer Bachus, noted that “the regulators are there to serve the banks.” While they are entitled to that opinion, Senate Republicans are not entitled to use the confirmation power as a bludgeon to get their way when they cannot do so through the normal legislative process. There is an interesting consequence of the Republican effort to undermine the most important consumer protection step the Congress have taken in a long time. Out of deference to the Senate confirmation power — before supporters of the bill realized how blatantly it would be misused — the legislation creating the agency specified that a number of the bureau’s powers would not take effect until the agency has a director. This is key because the economic crisis would not have been so bad had only deposit-taking institutions, which are insured and regulated by the federal government, made mortgage loans. A large number of non-banks continue to operate outside of federal regulation and, in many cases, without significant state regulation. A large majority of these other entities behave responsibly, but there are enough abuses among those that are under- Cordray’s hearing is scheduled for Tuesday, and we’re going to see an extraordinarily qualified administrator of an important consumer protection agency be trashed by the Senate Republican minority because their primary goal is to ensure that financial institutions are not troubled by what they may see as an excessive concern for consumer fairness. They are now refusing to confirm any recess appointment, not because of flaws of the appointee but because of an unachievable legislative objective, followed by an objection to a presidential recess appointment. It is the legislative equivalent to an arsonist having set a fire and objecting to a building’s inhabitants using the fire exit. The writer, a Democrat from Massachusetts, co-authored the 2010 financial reform legislation. Official sponsor of the PURE KNICKS LOVE Program
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